In the aftermath of significant allegations of antisemitism within the Labour Party, Keir Starmer has sought to distance the party from the antisemitic rhetoric under Jeremy Corbyn. Following Israel’s ground invasion of Gaza, Labour’s position on the issue cost them the Rochdale by-election and is expected to cause some electoral damage on Thursday.
This article looks at the specifics of Labour’s policy on Gaza and also explores what a Labour government’s foreign policy agenda is likely to look like in the region, should they form the next UK Government.
‘An Immediate Ceasefire’
Following the October 7 attack, Labour’s rhetoric initially focused on sending humanitarian aid to Gaza, maintaining corridors for refugees, and emphasising that “Civilians must not be targeted” by Israel, whilst at the same time supporting a conclusion to the conflict which sees “the threat of Hamas removed”. With Labour now calling for an immediate ceasefire, one which is likely to leave a Hamas-administered Gaza in place following the war, the Labour position appears to have shifted significantly.
Such a move is unlikely to isolate the UK internationally. Keir Starmer’s wording of an “Immediate Ceasefire” is wording that is supported by Biden’s ceasefire plan which passed through the security council last month. The US-backed ceasefire plan is overwhelmingly supported by western governments.
This position, however, differs only in rhetoric from that of the current government. Whilst initially critical of Labour’s call for an ‘immediate ceasefire’ in February, Sunak has since come around to reluctant support of Biden’s proposed ceasefire, whilst describing it as “not a good deal”. Disregarding spin, it’s hard to identify practical differences between labour and the conservatives, with both in effect supporting the same immediate ceasefire proposal.
Recognising of the ‘State of Palestine‘?
In June, Labour’s manifesto committed to “recognising a Palestinian state as a contribution to a renewed peace process”, continuing a pledge which had been made in every Labour Manifesto since Ed Miliband’s. Both major parties have officially upheld a two-state solution as the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the UK has exercised non-accredited relations with the Palestinian Authority since 1993. However, the UK has never officially recognised the State of Palestine as a state.
The foreign relations of the ‘State of Palestine’ are controlled by the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority, which recognises Israel within its pre-1967 borders. As of July 2024, 137 UN member states recognise both the State of Israel and the State of Palestine.
Would this change in policy have any real effect on the ground? Since October 7, nine states have recognised Palestine, including Spain, Norway and Ireland. The addition of a state with such strong ties to Israel is likely to build momentum for further bilateral recognition. From a multilateral perspective, with the UNSC vote on Palestinian UN membership in May, the UK and the US remain the only permanent members of the Security Council to not support Palestinian UN Membership. The loss of the UK as an abstainer would make the United States completely alone.
It is unclear, however, when and how formal diplomatic relations will be established. According to the Times, a source close to Keir Starmer has clarified that the Labour Party would wait for “the right time” to recognise Palestine, doing so in co-operation with allies such as the United States as part of a broader peace settlement.
As opposed to the Labour Party’s moderation on other issues, which are influenced by electoral concerns, Labour’s stripping back of Palestinian recognition is arguably driven by fears of a diplomatic rift with the United States. It therefore seems unlikely that a Labour Government would be able to move to the left on this issue after the election as has been speculated with other Labour policies.
The Labour Party seems to echo the words of Foreign Secretary David Cameron, who suggested that the British recognition of Palestine should be done in conjunction with allies as part of a postwar Israeli-Hamas peace deal.
Final Thought
In many respects, the position of the Labour Party on Gaza seems to differ only mildly from that of the current government.
However, despite the similarity between the outward content of Labour and Conservative statements, a labour government may be more willing to act on them. Labour have codified their commitment to both an immediate ceasefire and recognition in their manifesto. A commitment to certain foreign policy objectives is a part of their mandate to govern. The Conservatives, on the other hand, have frequently and explicitly signaled their reluctance on these measures to the electorate.
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This article was written by Alex Connor, Chamber’s features writer.